Critique Of The Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ)

by Barbara Kistler

Critique Of The Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ)

During the heated general election campaign last year, we planted a bomb at the regional office of the christian democratic CDU party in Siegburg on September 24. Among others, the CDU's parliamentary foreign policy spokesperson Kurt Lamers and CDU general secretary Peter Hinze had offices there. The media falsely credited this action to the Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ).

For this reason, we think it's necessary to examine the politics of the AIZ and, on the basis of this critique, to start a discussion concerning the further-development of militant intervention. This paper is not just directed at the AIZ. We hope that we can contribute to the discussion of the goals of militant actions in the struggle of the radical-left towards socialism. Although we initially considered the direction of the AIZ to be correct and therefore linked our struggle to theirs, both in terms of content as well as time period, we now realize that the AIZ would give different answers to several fundamental questions than we would.

The AIZ disagreed with the RAF cease-fire of April 1992 and they see their own politics as the continuation of this old line. We, on the other hand, see the break which was made by the RAF as the result of the past 20 years of politics. This break was an attempt to differentiate right from wrong, a method which is still a fundamental part of revolutionary development. The AIZ refuses to recognize this dead-end which the RAF had reached, as if there had never been any need to have a new beginning. Their actions are little more than just a cheap imitation of 20 years of armed experience. The RAF left lots of things open in terms of the further-development of their politics. They haven't been able to fill in the gaps of their political content, but nor do they attempt to make up for their weakness, and the weakness of the left in general, by simply continuing on a path which has clearly failed.

Revolutionary Responsibility

"In order to create political pressure, we have consciously inserted a limited time and space of potentially lethal danger in those places where we carry out actions." (AIZ, 13.03.95)

Revolutionary responsibility means balancing the danger to those involved with the political effect. In this sense, those involved refers to anyone in positions of responsibility at the target attacked. Danger to uninvolved persons must, in every case, be prevented. We reject a lack of scruples, the notion that "the ends justify the means". In our opinion, targeted attacks against individuals, and that doesn't just mean the potential danger caused by an action, are out of the question at the present time in Germany.

Anyone in Germany who militantly intervenes in social processes must take the responsibility for the political repercussions. A death, even of someone involved in carrying out the action, would destroy all attempts to bring militant politics from out of the confines of a small circle of people. The attacks in Bremen (on the office of the centrist FDP party) and in Wolfsburg (on the house of Volkmar Koehler, former Secretary of State and present chairman of the German-Moroccan Friendship Society) entailed potentially fatal danger, even for uninvolved persons. If someone had been killed in those attacks, both the immediate price (a life) as well as the political price would not in any way have justified the political benefit (anchoring) of the actions.

Revolutionary responsibility means always examining the danger posed to uninvolved persons and coordinating the technical aspects of the action in relation to this danger. The AIZ have not done this, and they have arrived at a position which we cannot agree with.

The Attack On The House Of Volkmar Koehler

We have the following criticisms of the attack on the house of Volkmar Koehler:

1. Inappropriate Means

A bomb can be a very useful tool for damaging the logistics of individuals, a corporation, a government office, etc. When placed in front of a house, this weapon merely becomes a symbol for a potentially deadly threat. Militant groups should reject this type of symbolic action because of the potential risk of killing uninvolved persons.

2. The Meaning Of The Attack

This attack had no meaning for people, neither in the general public nor within the radical-left. Nor will the action have any affect on the politics of the German-Moroccan Friendship Society, nor will it shed any public light on that group's activities, at least not any more than what was written by the AIZ in their communique. Nor will the attack help strengthen progressive forces in Morocco.

3. The Communique And The Militant Action

The communique is a good research document on the situation in Morocco. It exposes the Friendship Society and its role in the Moroccan government's war against the leftist opposition. But the communique fails to point out any possible perspectives for developments either here or in Morocco. The bomb exploded in a vacuum. The only effect it had, apart from damaging the house, was finding a broad readership for the communique. And by proclaiming a potentially deadly threat, the PR effect was increased even more.

Solidarity

In the Koehler communique, the AIZ make positive references to Khadaffi and the Islamic movement. Whereas political analyses can be made of the latter, we find it impossible to express any solidarity with the state of Libya. A purely anti-imperialist stance, such as Libya has, is not sufficient if this position is not also linked to the fundamental principles of emancipatory politics. For example, when Khadaffi writes in his 'Green Book' that the role of women is defined by nature and that a "woman who neglects motherhood has forsaken her natural role in life", this removes any possibility for solidarity.

Imperialism means the economic and cultural exploitation of vast portions of the world by highly industrialized states. This is a form of capitalist values being placed on entire continents. An anti-imperialist struggle which only seeks liberation from imperialist conditions is not necessarily a progressive struggle if it doesn't also seek liberation from the exploitation and oppression of some people by other people. A part of this, of course, is liberation from patriarchal structures. We need to measure anti-imperialist movements and organizations on the basis of their emancipatory content in order to join our struggle with their struggle for worldwide liberation. Only in this way can our international solidarity be put into practice.

The Task Of Militant Groups In Germany

The present situation of the left is characterized by splintering and collapse. Most political initiatives don't progress beyond subjective elements of liberation. They look at social reality here in Germany based on their own political development. Militant fighting groups are searching for new ways to break out of this social isolation.

A central question of revolutionary politics is the question of anchoring. This has to do with socialist perspectives which can provide an alternative to capitalism for broad sectors of the population. We should make use of the gap between "those above who do what they want" and those who say "what can I do about it?" in order to provide something positive for those people who want change. The objective weakness of the radical-left can only be changed through strong content and consistent politics in the society, outside the confines of the scene-ghetto.

Groups who are concerned with the effects of the contemporary social order (neighbourhood groups, groups who work with the homeless and the unemployed, anti-racist groups, etc.) can provide the basis for revolutionary politics. If we can agree that different forms of struggle should relate to one another, then militant and armed initiatives have the potential to strengthen these movements and add pressure to their demands. They bring into question the omnipotence of capitalism and they can cause an objective material weakening of the logistics of the state while at the same time strengthening the radical movements.

The AIZ does not fulfil any of the criteria by which we measure revolutionary groups. For this reason, we suggest that they abandon their project.

Group Barbara Kistler

March 1995

(Barbara Kistler was a Swiss internationalist who was killed by the Turkish army in Kurdistan.)