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Article #11
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*** Pirate Magazine Issue I - 5 / File 10 of 11***
*** Hacker Chases Hacker Chasers ***
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From: RISKS-FORUM Digest Wednesday 21 March 1990 Volume 9 : Issue 77
------------------------------
Date: 21 Mar 90 10:30:41
From: John Markoff via PGN (excerpted) <[email protected]>
Subject: Internet Intruders
SELF-PROCLAIMED %HACKER' SENDS MESSAGE TO CRITICS
By JOHN MARKOFF, c.1990 N.Y. Times News Service
A man identifying himself as the intruder who illegally penetrated part of a
nationwide computer linkup said Tuesday that he had done so to taunt computer
security specialists who have denounced activities like his. His assertion
came in a telephone call to The New York Times on Tuesday afternoon. The man
identified himself only as an Australian named Dave, and his account could not
be confirmed. But he offered a multitude of details about various electronic
break-ins in recent months that were corroborated by several targets of the
intruder. He said he was calling from outside the United States, but that
could not be verified.
Federal investigators have said that in recent months the intruder has
illegally entered computers at dozens of institutions in a nationwide network,
the Internet. Once inside the computers, they said, the intruder stole lists
of the passwords that allow users to enter the system and then erased files to
conceal himself. [...]
Investigators in the new Internet case said the federal authorities in
Chicago were close to finding the intruder and several associates. The U.S.
attorney's office in Chicago refused to confirm that assertion. The
investigators said that in some cases the intruder might have used a program
that scanned the network for computers that were vulnerable.
In his telephone call to The Times on Tuesday, the man said he had broad
access to U.S. computer systems because of security flaws in those machines.
As a self-proclaimed computer hacker, he said, he decided to break in to the
computer security experts' systems as a challenge. Among the targets of the
recent attacks were Clifford Stoll, a computer system manager at the
Smithsonian Astronomical Observatory at Harvard University, and Eugene
Spafford, a computer scientist who specializes in computer security issues at
Purdue University. The caller said he was upset by Stoll's portrayal of
intruders in a new book, %%The Cuckoo's Egg.'' %%I was angry at his
description of a lot of people,'' the caller said. %%He was going on about how
he hates all hackers, and he gave pretty much of a one-sided view of who
hackers are.''
Several days ago the intruder illegally entered a computer Stoll manages at
Harvard University and changed a standard welcome message to read: %%Have Cliff
read his mail. The cuckoo has egg on his face. Anonymous.'' The caller
explained in detail his techniques for illegally entering computer systems. He
gave information about Stoll's and Spafford's computer systems that matched
details they were familiar with.
And he described a break-in at an external computer that links different
networks at Digital Equipment Corp. A spokeswoman for the company confirmed
that a machine had been entered in the manner the caller described. But the
caller was not able to penetrate more secure Digital computers, she said.
The caller said he had intended to tease the security experts but not to
damage the systems he entered. %%It used to be the security guys chase the
hackers,'' he said. %%Now it's the hackers chase the security people.''
Several managers of computer systems that were entered said that no
significant harm had been done but that the invader had wasted the time of
system administrators, who were forced to drop their normal duties to deal with
the breaches in security.
Ordinary users were also inconvenienced, the managers said, because their
computers had to be temporarily removed from the system for security reasons.
Investigators familiar with the break-ins said the intruder had entered
systems by using several well-known security flaws that have been widely
distributed in computerized mailing lists
circulated among systems managers.
Stoll, who from 1986 to 1988 tracked a group of West Germans breaking into
U.S. corporate, university and nonclassified military computers, said the
intruders had not proved any point. %%It's sad that people have these
gunslinger ethics,'' he said. %%It shows how easy it is to break into even a
modestly secure system.'' Spafford, who has also written <garbled>, but added
that nothing significant had been compromised. [...]
As a result of the break-ins, the Smithsonian Astronomical disconnected its
computers from the Internet, a network that connects severs around the world.
Among the institutions believed to have been penetrated by the intruder are
the Los Alamos National Laboratory, Harvard, Digital Equipment, Livermore
Laboratories, Boston University and the University of Texas.
Tuesday, the caller asserted that he had successfully entered dozens of
different computers by copying the password files to his machine and then
running a special program to decode the files. That program was originally
written as a computer security experiment by a California-based computer
scientist and then distributed to other scientists. [... reference to the
following CERT message...]
Asked Tuesday whether he would continue his illegal activities, the caller
said he might lay low for a while. %%It's getting a bit hot,'' he said, %%and
we went a bit berserk in the past week.''
>--------=====END=====--------<
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*** Pirate Magazine Issue I-5 / File 11 of 11 ***
*** Computer Hackers as Post-Modernists ***
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This file appeared on PC-EXEC in Milwaukee, and is the one referred to
by Ellis Dea in File 2. We edited out all the academic stuff that you're
all seen on message boards a thousand times, and just left in the key points.
The authors do not condone phreaking or hacking, but argue that it should
be understood, rather than persecuted. They make a point many have made, which
is that the media and pheds have distorted what goes on out there. Apologies to
all if too much has been deleted.
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THE BAUDY WORLD OF THE BYTE BANDIT:
A POSTMODERNIST INTERPRETATION OF THE COMPUTER UNDERGROUND
(March, 1990)
"Hackers are "nothing more than high-tech street gangs"
(Federal Prosecutor, Chicago)."
"Transgression is not immoral. Quite to the contrary, it
reconciles the law with what it forbids; it is the dia-
lectical game of good and evil (Baudrillard, 1987: 81)."
" There ain't no sin and there ain't no virtue. There's
just stuff people do. It's all part of the nice, but
that's as far as any man got a right to say (Steinbeck,
1939:31-32)."
The criminalization of "deviant acts" transforms and reduces
social meanings to legal ones. Legal meanings are not necessari-
ly social meanings. Most deviancy research tends to reproduce
conventional social ideology and operative definitions of normal-
ity within its concepts and theories. On occasion, these mean-
ings represent a form of "class politics" that protect the power
and privilege of one group from the challenge of another:
Divorcing moral crusades from status group competition
while denying that cultures are linked to social class-
es has undermined attempts to link lifestyle politics
to group struggles (Beisel, 1990: 45).
Once a category of behaviors has become defined by statute
as sanctionably deviant, the behaviors so-defined assume a new
set of meanings that may obscure ones possessed by those who en-
gage in such behaviors. "Computer deviants" provide one example
of a criminalized type of "lifestyle politics."
The proliferation of computer technology has been accompa-
nied by the growth of a computer underground (CU), often mistak-
enly labeled "hackers," that is perceived as criminally deviant
by the media, law enforcement officials, and researchers. Draw-
ing from ethnographic data, we offer a cultural rather than a
criminological analysis of the underground by suggesting that it
reflects an attempt to recast, re-appropriate, and reconstruct
the power-knowledge relationship that increasingly dominates the
ideology and actions of modern society. Our data reveal the com-
puter underground as an invisible community with a complex and
interconnected cultural lifestyle, an inchoate anti-authoritarian
political consciousness, and dependent on norms of reciprocity,
sophisticated socialization rituals, networks of information
sharing, and an explicit value system. We interpret the CU cul-
ture as a challenge to and parody of conventional culture, as a
playful attempt to reject the seriousness of technocracy, and as
an ironic substitution of rational technological control of the
present for an anarchic and playful future.
STIGMATIZING THE COMPUTER UNDERGROUND
The computer underground refers to persons engaged in one or
more of several activities, including pirating, anarchy, hacking,
and phreaking[1]. Because computer underground participants
freely share information and often are involved collectively in a
single incident, media definitions invoke the generalized meta-
phors of "conspiracies" and "criminal rings," (e.g., Camper,
1989; Zablit, 1989), "modem macho" evil-doers (Bloombecker,
1988), moral bankruptcy (Schwartz, 1988), "electronic trespas-
sers" (Parker: 1983), "crazy kids dedicated to making mischief"
(Sandza, 1984: 17), "electronic vandals" (Bequai: 1987), a new
"threat" (Van, 1989), saboteurs ("Computer Sabateur," 1988), se-
cret societies of criminals (WMAQ, 1990), and "high-tech street
gangs" ("Hacker, 18," 1989). These images have prompted calls
for community and law enforcement vigilance (Conly and McEwen,
1990: 2) and for application of the Racketeer Influenced and Cor-
rupt Organizations (RICO) Act to prosecute and control the "crim-
inals" (Cooley, 1984). These images fail to distinguish under-
ground "hobbyists," who may infringe on legal norms but have no
intention of pillaging, from felonious predators, who use tech-
nology to loot[2]. Such terminology provides a common stock of
knowledge that formats interpretations of CU activity in ways
pre-patterned as requiring social control to protect the common-
weal (e.g., Altheide, 1985).
As Hollinger and Lanza-Kaduce (1988: 119), Kane (1989), and
Pfuhl (1987) observed, the stigmatization of hackers has emerged
primarily through value-laden media depictions. When in 1990 a
Cornell University graduate student inadvertently infected an in-
ternational computer network by planting a self-reproducing "vi-
rus," or "rogue program," the news media followed the story with
considerable detail about the dangers of computer abuse (e.g.,
Allman, 1990; Winter, 1988). Five years earlier, in May of 1983,
a group of hackers known as "The 414's" received equal media at-
tention when they broke into the computer system of the Sloan
Kettering Cancer research center. Between these dramatic and a-
typical events, the media have dramatized the dangers of computer
renegades, and media anecdotes presented during Congressional
legislative debates to curtail "computer abuse" dramatized the
"computer hacking problem" (Hollinger and Lanza-Kaduce, 1988:
107). Although the accuracy and objectivity of the evidence has
since been challenged (Hollinger and Lanza-Kaduce 1988: 105), the
media continue to format CU activity by suggesting that any com-
puter-related felony can be attributed to hacking. Additionally,
media stories are taken from the accounts of police blotters, se-
curity personnel, and apprehended hackers, each of whom have dif-
ferent perspectives and definitions. This creates a self-rein-
forcing imagery in which extreme examples and cursively
circulated data are discretely adduced to substantiate the claim
of criminality by those with a vested interest in creating and
maintaining such definitions. For example, Conly and McEwen
(1990) list examples of law enforcement jurisdictions in which
special units to fight "computer crime," very broadly defined,
have been created. These broad definitions serve to expand the
scope of authority and resources of the units. Nonetheless, de-
spite criminalization, there is little evidence to support the
contention that computer hacking has been sufficiently abusive or
pervasive to warrant prosecution (Michalowski and Pfuhl, forth-
coming).
As an antidote to the conventional meanings of CU activity
as simply one of deviance, we shift the social meaning of CU be-
havior from one of stigma to one of culture creation and meaning.
Our work is tentative, in part because of the lack of previous
substantive literature and in part because of the complexity of
the data, which indicate a multiplicity of subcultures within the
CU. This paper examines of two distinct CU subcultures, phreaks
and hackers, and challenges the Manichean view that hackers can
be understood simply as profaners of a sacred moral and economic
order.
THE COMPUTER UNDERGROUND AND POST-MODERNISM
The computer underground is a culture of persons who call
computer bulletin board systems (BBSs, or just "boards"), and
share the interests fostered by the BBS. In conceptualizing the
computer underground as a distinct culture, we draw from Geertz's
(1973: 5) definition of culture as a system of meanings that give
significance to shared behaviors that must be interpreted from
the perspective of those engaged in them. A culture provides not
only the "systems of standards for perceiving, believing, evalu-
ating, and acting" (Goodenough, 1981: 110), but includes the
rules and symbols of interpretation and discourse for partici-
pants:
In crude relief, culture can be understood as a set of
solutions devised by a group of people to meet specific
problems posed by situations they face in com-
mon. . . This notion of culture as a living, historical
product of group problem solving allows an approach to
cultural study that is applicable to any group, be it a
society, a neighborhood, a family, a dance band, or an
organization and its segments (Van Maanen and Barley,
1985: 33).
Creating and maintaining a culture requires continuous indi-
vidual or group processes of sustaining an identity through the
coherence gained by a consistent aesthetic point of view, a moral
conception of self, and a lifestyle that expresses those concep-
tions in one's immediate existence and tastes (Bell, 1976: 36).
These behavioral expressions signify a variety of meanings, and
as signifiers they reflect a type of code that can be interpreted
semiotically, or as a sign system amenable to readings indepen-
dent of either participants or of those imposed by the super-or-
dinate culture:
All aspects of culture possess a semiotic value, and
the most taken-for-granted phenomena can function as
signs: as elements in communication systems governed
by semantic rules and codes which are not themselves
directly apprehended in experience. These signs are,
then, as opaque as the social relations which produce
them and which they re-present (Hebdige, 1982: 13).
It is this symbolic cultural ethos, by which we mean the
style, world view, and mood (Hebdige, 1979), that reflects the
postmodernist elements of the CU and separates it from modernism.
Modernist culture is characterized especially by rationality,
technological enhancement, deference to centralized control, and
mass communication. The emergence of computer technology has
created dramatic changes in social communication, economic trans-
actions, and information processing and sharing, while simultane-
ously introducing new forms of surveillance, social control, and
intrusions on privacy (Marx, 1988a: 208-211; Marx and Reichman,
1985). This has contributed to a:
. . . richly confused and hugely verbal age, energized
by a multitude of competing discourses, the very pro-
liferation and plasticity of which increasingly deter-
mine what we defensively refer to as our reality (New-
man, 1985: 15).
By Postmodernism we mean a reaction against "cultural moder-
nity" and a destruction of the constraints of the present "maxi-
mum security society" (Marx, 1988b) that reflect an attempt to
gain control of an alternative future. In the CU world, this con-
stitutes a conscious resistance to the domination of but not the
fact of technological encroachment into all realms of our social
existence. The CU represents a reaction against modernism by of-
fering an ironic response to the primacy of a master technocratic
language, the incursion of computers into realms once considered
private, the politics of techno-society, and the sanctity of es-
tablished civil and state authority. Postmodernism is character-
ized not so much by a single definition as by a number of inter-
related characteristics, including, but not limited to:
1. Dissent for dissent's sake (Lyotard, 1988).
2. The collapse of the hierarchical distinction between mass
and popular culture (Featherstone, 1988: 203).
3. A stylistic promiscuity favoring eclecticism and the mix-
ing of codes (Featherstone, 1988: 203).
4. Parody, pastiche, irony, playfulness and the celebration
of the surface "depthlessness" of culture (Featherstone,
1988: 203).
5. The decline of the originality/genius of the artistic pro-
ducer and the assumption that art can only be repetitious
(Featherstone 1988: 203).
6. The stripping away of social and perceptual coordinates
that let one "know where one is" (Latimer, 1984: 121).
7. A search for new ways to make the unpresentable presenta-
ble, and break down the barriers that keep the profane out
of everyday life (Denzin, 1988: 471).
8. The introduction of new moves into old games or inventing
new games that are evaluated pragmatically rather than
from some uniform stand point of "truth" or philosophical
discourse (Callinicos, 1985: 86).
9. Emphasis on the visual over the literary (Lash, 1988:
314).
10. Devaluation of formalism and juxtaposition of signifiers
taken from the banalities of everyday life (Lash, 1988:
314).
11. Contesting of rationalist and/or didactive views of cul-
ture (Lash, 1988: 314).
12. Asking not what a cultural text means, but what it does
(Lash, 1988: 314).
13. Operation through the spectator's immersion, the relative-
ly unmediated investment of his/her desire in the cultural
object (Lash, 1988: 314).
14. Acknowledgement of the decenteredness of modern life and
"plays with the apparent emptiness of modern life as well
as the lack of coherence in modern symbol systems" (Man-
ning, 1989: 8).
"Post-Modernism" in its positive form constitutes an intel-
lectual attack upon the atomized, passive and indifferent mass
culture which, through the saturation of electronic technology,
has reached its zenith in Post-War American (Newman, 1985: 5).
It is this style of playful rebellion, irreverent subversion, and
juxtaposition of fantasy with high-tech reality that impels us to
interpret the computer underground as a postmodernist culture.
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20 pages of academic gibberish deleted here --eds
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HACKERS:
Hackers take pride in their assumed
names, and one of the greatest taboos is to use the handle of an-
other or to use multiple handles. Handles are borrowed liberally
from the anti-heros of science fiction, adventure fantasy, and
heavy metal rock lyrics, particularly among younger users, and
from word plays on technology, nihilism, and violence. The CU
handle reflects a stylistic identity heavily influenced by meta-
phors reflecting color (especially red and black), supernatural
power (e.g., "Ultimate Warrior, "Dragon Lord"), and chaos ("Death
Stalker," "Black Avenger"), or ironic twists on technology, fan-
tasy, or symbols of mass culture (e.g., Epeios, Phelix the Hack,
Rambo Pacifist, Hitch Hacker).
This anti-establishment ethos also provides an ideological
unity for collective action. Hackers have been known to use
their collective skills in retaliation for acts against the cul-
ture that the perceive as unfair by, for example, changing credit
data or "revoking" driver's licenses (Sandza, 1984; "Yes, you
Sound very Sexy," 1989). Following a bust of a national hacker
group, the message section of the "home board" contained a lively
debate on the desireability of a retaliatory response, and the
moderates prevailed. Influenced especially by such science fan-
tasy as William Gibson's Neuromancer (1984), John Brunner's The
Shockwave Rider (1975), and cyber-punk, which is a fusion of ele-
ments of electronic communication technology and the "punk" sub-
culture, the hacker ethic promotes resistance to the very forms
that create it. Suggestive of Frazer's (1922) The Golden Bough,
power is challenged and supplanted by rituals combining both de-
struction and rejuvenation. From this emerges a shared ethos of
opposition against perceived Orwellian domination by an informa-
tion-controlling elite.
(Hackers will) always be necessary, especially in the
technological oppression of the future. Just imagine
an information system that systematically filters out
certain obscene words. Then it will move on to phras-
es, and then entire ideas will be replaced by comput-
ers! Anyway, there will always be people tripping out
on paper and trying to keep it to themselves, and it's
up to us to at least loosen their grasp (P.A. Message
Log 1988).
In sum, the hacker style reflects well-defined goals, commu-
nication networks, values, and an ethos of resistance to authori-
ty. Because hacking requires a broader range of knowledge than
does phreaking, and because such knowledge can be acquired only
through experience, hackers tend to be both older and more knowl-
edgeable than phreaks. In addition, despite some overlap, the
goals of the two are somewhat dissimilar. As a consequence, each
group constitutes a separate analytic category.
Phreaks.
The attraction of phreaking and its attendant life-style
appear to center on three fundamental characteristics: The
quest for knowledge, the belief in a higher ideological purpose
of opposition to potentially dangerous technological control, and
the enjoyment of risk-taking. In a sense, CU participants con-
sciously create dissonance as a means of creating social meaning
in what is perceived as an increasingly meaningless world (Milo-
vanovic and Thomas, 1989). Together, phreaks and hackers have
created an overlapping culture that, whatever the legality, is
seen by participants as a legitimate enterprise in the new "tech-
no-society."
CONCLUSION
The transition to an information-oriented society dependent
on computer technology brings with it new symbolic metaphors and
behaviors. Baudrillard (1987: 15) observed that our private
sphere now ceases to be the stage where the drama of subjects at
odds with their objects and with their image is played out, and
we no longer exist as playwrites or actors, but as terminals of
multiple networks. The public space of the social arena is re-
duced to the private space of the computer desk, which in turn
creates a new semi-public, but restricted, public realm to which
dissonance seekers retreat. To participate in the computer un-
derground is to engage in what Baudrillard (1987: 15) describes
as private telematics, in which individuals, to extend Baudril-
lard's fantasy metaphor, are transported from their mundane com-
puter system to the controls of a hypothetical machine, isolated
in a position of perfect sovereignty, at an infinite distance
from the original universe. There, identity is created through
symbolic strategies and collective beliefs (Bordieu, cited in
Wacquant, 1989: 35).
We have argued that the symbolic identity of the computer
underground creates a rich and diverse culture comprised of jus-
tifications, highly specialized skills, information-sharing net-
works, norms, status hierarchies, language, and unifying symbolic
meanings. The stylistic elements of CU identity and activity
serve what Denzin (1988: 471) sees as the primary characteristic
of postmodern behavior, which is to make fun of the past while
keeping it alive and the search for new ways to present the un-
presentable in order to break down the barriers that keep the
profane out of the everyday.
The risks entailed by acting on the fringes of legality and
substituting definitions of acceptable behavior with their own,
the playful parodying of mass culture, and the challenge to au-
thority constitute an exploration of the limits of techno-culture
while resisting the legal meanings that would control such ac-
tions. The celebration of anti-heros, re-enacted through forays
into the world of computer programs and software, reflects the
stylistic promiscuity, eclecticism and code-mixing that typifies
the postmodern experience (Featherstone, 1988: 202). Rather than
attempt to fit within modern culture and adapt to values and def-
initions imposed on them, CU participants mediate it by mixing
art, science, and resistance to create a culture with an alterna-
tive meaning both to the dominant one and to those that observers
would impose on them and on their enterprise.
Pfuhl (1987) cogently argued that criminalization of comput-
er abuse tends to polarize definitions of behavior. As a conse-
quence, To view the CU as simply another form of deviance, or as
little more than "high-tech street gangs" obscures the ironic,
mythic, and subversive element, the Nieztschean "will to power,"
reflected in the attempt to master technology while challenging
those forces that control it. The "new society" spawned by com-
puter technology is in its infancy, and, as Sennet (1970: xvii)
observed, the passage of societies through adolescence to maturi-
ty requires acceptance of disorder and painful dislocation.
Instead of embracing the dominant culture, the CU has creat-
ed an irreducible cultural alternative, one that cannot be under-
stood without locating its place within the dialectic of social
change. Especially in counter-cultures, as Hebdige (1983: 3) ob-
serves, "objects are made to mean and mean again," often ending:
. . .in the construction of a style, in a gesture of
defiance or contempt, in a smile or a sneer. It sig-
nals a Refusal. I would like to think that this Reusal
is worth making, that these gestures have a meaning,
that the smiles and the sneers have some subversive
value. . . (Hebdige, 1982: 3).
***********************
Guess we should include all the bibliography in case we deleted something
important. But we find the list interesting for it's own sake. The authors
should also take a look at the HARPER'S Forum in the March, 1990 issue, that
contains a symposium/debate on computer hacking, and includes Phiber Optik and
Acid Phreak, along with Clifford Stoll, author of the Cuckoo's Egg. We would
also add CUCKOO'S EGG to this list {eds}.
*************************
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